Category: Philosophy Essay

Ecofeminist political philosophy is considered an area of the noetic investigation, which analyzes the political status of nature utilizing perceptions, theoretical implements, and ethical allegiances of the ecological feminism and other liberation theories, incorporating the crucial race theory, queer theory, postcolonial theory, environmental philosophy, and feminism. Generally speaking, ecofeminist political philosophy is interested in the analysis of issues concerning the probabilities overt by the acknowledgment of intercession and subjectivism of the more-than-human world. Thus, it is interested in inquiring and explaining how people can react in a political manner to the more-than-human world with the corresponding dialogic terms. This philosophy claims that a gendered and liberatory analysis is required for adequately addressing the environmental quandary of the nonhuman nature incorporation in a form of co-collocutor in regards to the green extracurricular framework. This philosophy also opposes traditional philosophies, which demonstrate a tendency to excluding the more-than-human world from ethical-political regard. All of the topics mentioned above run throughout the work of Val Plumwood, a well-known feminist theorist, who convincingly examines the difficulties and complexities in such categories and concepts, like nature, gender, and politics.

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All ecofeminism theories merely regard political analysis and can be considered political interventions into a broad number of practices and discourses. Generally speaking, ecofeminist political philosophy helps in creating an implicit political content of ecofeminism explicit. Val Plumwood, in particular, argues, Feminist thought and environment thought to have much in common. Thus, feminism follows the holistic approach of Val Plumwood, who emphasized the hybridity in tackling the integration problem. The author attempts to go beyond an anthropocentric concept, stating that nature was valued at East as much as the humankind. The author explicitly articulates regarding the facts of how the Western master narrative of rationality locates scientific and epistemic authority in a stance of superiority, alienation, withdrawal, impassive exemption, leading to hierarchical and instrumentalizing connections. The author asserts that the relevant stance regarding the more-than-human world can be considered neither a definition nor unification. It should be rather concerned evaluated in the political sense. Nevertheless, the author questions whether the language of solidarity can be expanded or adjusted so that to utter a specific type of ethical-political intercourse between human beings and the more-than-human world. The author also studies whether the term political solidarity can be precisely and effectively utilized in order to outline a connection and intercourse between human beings and the more-than-human world, in which people and non-humans combat together in attempts of altering the eco-socially-oppressive states of affairs. Generally speaking, the work of Plumwood induces ecofeminism to address these questions and inquiries. For instance, Mellor is interested whether traditional political concepts, categories, valuables, and virtues, including the freedom, democracy, speech, solidarity, participation, and subjectivity, can be applied to the more-than-human world.

Val Plumwood through the utilization of ecofeminist political philosophy suggests that they actually can. On the one hand, liberatory philosophies, including the separate feminist and environmental theories, demonstrate that there is a great doubt regarding the possible relationships between ontologies and politics or epistemologies and ethics. On the other hand, the ecofeminist philosophical sensibility that renders and utilizes general awareness regarding the interdependence of being, knowing, and valuing and specific cognition in the light of how humans encounter other Earth beings concerns the interspecies politics. One of the methods of how people encounter other Earth beings is via political languages and concepts. These languages and concepts can either open or close some possibilities of engaging the more-than-human world in the political interlocution and operations. On the other hand, a method of political solidarity can be precisely and efficiently utilized to formulate relationships between human beings and more-than-human in order to change the eco-socially-oppressive states of affairs.

In her work, Plumwood presents some points of commonality and discrepancies between the ecofeminist and profound ecological approaches to activism and identification with nature in order to the debate between the profound ecology and ecofeminism. Plumwood states that the recent environmental approaches and concepts have provided a favored alternative into the sphere of the moral dualist constructions of academic philosophy, which bypasses the outwardly infinite debate over whether the humanist ethical and value principles can somehow be expanded to outreach non-humans. The alternative, which actually stands for the deep ecology, is majorly grounded on nature defending activism; it concentrates on acquitting and outlining the political solidarity with other Earth beings. Thus, the author states that the main goals and values of these activists turn to be much wider in regard to the moral extensions. It is a principal reason for why there is a requirement for the open ethics, capable of covering trees, mountains, wild rivers, wilderness areas, and endangered species, all of which are left out by moral extensionist and dualist forms of argument. Thus, the author demonstrates that the deep ecology ethic actually sustains the human-focused one due to the fact that it is based on the conceptions of sameness rather than the difference. The author vividly demonstrates the one-sidedness of the approach, which cannot actually address the other as a communicative or potentially communicative subject. It is the main reason why Plumwood advocates an alternative analysis of solidarity based on the feminist theory that [she] think[s] is more useful for environmental activism.

The revision of the long-lasting argument between deep ecologists and ecofeminists concerning the question of whether the deep ecology’s viewpoint of the ecological self-in-Self is summarizing and masculine, or people should consider themselves as incessant with the non-human environment and in the concept that people appear as “the speaking, thinking parts of nature” is androcentric in its inclination to incite the non-human others into the human self shadow. Despite the fact that Plumwood does not actually reject the deep ecology’s idea of the self-realization, she states that there is a requirement to elude the above-mentioned pitfall. It is the major reason for why feminism is supposed to encroach into the above-mentioned debate and, in particular, politicize it. In addition, deep ecology together with other theories can, according to Plumwood, obtain and learn a lot from the feminist and postcolonial theories especially in terms of ethical and political reactions in the face of the “other’s incommensurability” and discrepancy.

Generally speaking, hyper-separation appears to be the main concept of Plumwood’s work, which stands for the structure of dominance that stimulates and directs all western dualities and incorporates the notions of nature and culture, female and male, matter and mind, savage and civilized. The work demonstrates that the hyper-separation structure provides the worth and advantage to one side of the duality, at the same time relegating the other side to a stance of opposing the inferiority. Thus, her work shows how nature is backgrounded contrary to the human, is actually relegated to the function, which provided benefits without demanding moral consideration. It is a pivotal work in demonstrating that an analogous structure can also be mapped onto gender, class, colonization, and other social relations. Generally speaking, Plumwood’s definition of solidarity has an intention to debate the complex and intricate terrain between the affinity and discrepancies with the more-than-human world. The author states that “the politics of solidarity is different than the politics of unity,” becoming a major reason for why people should be susceptible to the difference between positioning oneself with the other and positioning oneself as the other. Plumwood utilizes the sample of the colonialist cultural assimilation of aboriginal Australians via the erasure of their culture and languages, in order to explain that “the colonizing project is one of self-imposition and appropriation,” which actually rejects the independence or boundaries of others. The analysis of Plumwood’s work helps in understanding that political solidarity does not state the recognition with the others.

On the other hand, political solidarity practically outlines the connection, in which beings are stimulated to operate and live on behalf of others, with whom they do not share practice, requirements, outlooks, or subjectivity. Nevertheless, this understanding of solidarity has been connected with both the actual aim of solidarity and other beings incorporated in combating for the alteration and shift via a common acknowledgment of iniquity and despondency, as well as via actions to change it. Instead of following the “politics of unity,” according to which, the solidarity connection is based on claiming to “know what the other is going through” or connection with the others in a similar position, political solidarity with the more-than-human world is a connection, which allows drawing imaginative parallels between, for instance, the systems of slavery, women’s oppression, and animal oppression. It also allows seeing that some cultures, most notably the Western world ones, position human beings as oppressors of the more-than-human world. According to Plumwood, the fundamental ground for the critical solidarity is established not in “an unanalyzed and capricious emotion of empathy or sympathy” (also known as the unity), but in the capability of comprehending and perceiving a concept of solidarity that is based on an intellect